Teen popularity linked to increased depression in adolescence, decreased depression in adulthood
The results of this study showed depressive symptoms being highest in adolescence, declining in early adulthood and then climbing back up again into one's early 30s.
01 October, 2020
Credit: Dragana Gordic on Shutterstock
- A 2020 Michigan State University study examined the link between teen social networks and the levels of depression later in life.
- This study used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, specifically targeting social network data. The results showed depressive symptoms being highest in adolescence and declining in early adulthood, then climbing back up again into one's early 30s.
- There are several ways you can attempt to stay active and socially connected while battling depression, according to experts.
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<img type="lazy-image" data-runner-src="https://assets.rebelmouse.io/eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJpbWFnZSI6Imh0dHBzOi8vYXNzZXRzLnJibC5tcy8yNDQ1MjA3MS9vcmlnaW4uanBnIiwiZXhwaXJlc19hdCI6MTYzMjgyODEyNn0.XrE4VbZm4h9pqGxE2OofGHyw-cD78SxZhbOSTPyTZPM/img.jpg?width=1245&coordinates=0%2C52%2C0%2C52&height=700" id="1e9e2" class="rm-shortcode" data-rm-shortcode-id="831359bc08f8626bb576f790b0b85836" data-rm-shortcode-name="rebelmouse-image" alt="concept of teenage depression depression in adolescence" />
The study suggested that teenagers who have a smaller social circle showed higher rated of depression later on in life.
Credit: asiandelight/Shutterstock
<p><a href="https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2020-09/msu-tsn093020.php" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">A 2020 Michigan State University study</a> examined the link between teen social networks and the levels of depression later in life. The results of this study suggested teens who have a larger number of friends in adolescent years may be less likely to suffer from depression later in life. These findings were especially prominent in women.</p><p>This study used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, specifically targeting social network data. This data asks students to select up to 5 male and 5 female friends and indicate how often they felt depressive symptoms. </p><p>MSU Sociology Assistant Professor Molly Copeland and lead author Christina Kamis (Sociology doctoral candidate at Duke University) published the study in the Journal of Health and Social Behavior in September. </p><p><strong>Female teenagers may struggle more with depression during their teen years but show fewer depressive symptoms later in life.</strong> </p><p>For female adolescents, popularity can lead to increased depression during their teen years. However, this ultimately may lead to lasting benefits of fewer depressive symptoms later in life. "Adolescence (is) a sensitive period of early life when structural facets of social relationships can have lasting mental health consequences," Copeland wrote, adding that "compared to boys, girls face additional risks from how others view their social position in adolescence."</p><p>Throughout this study, men showed no association between popularity and depressive symptoms, however, they did show benefits from naming more friends. As for why this is, Copeland has a theory: perhaps the expectations on young girls (compared to young boys) as well as the roles that lead to popularity can create a kind of stress and strain felt more prominently by girls than boys. </p><p>While this does create more difficult teen years for young girls, the stress and strain may lead to giving these girls a psychological skillset that benefits them later in life, allowing them to deal with stressful situations more easily.</p><p>The study also suggested that teenagers who have a smaller social circle showed higher rates of depression later on in life. </p><p><strong>Results from both men and women followed a U-shaped trajectory of depressive symptoms.</strong></p><p>The results showed depressive symptoms being highest in adolescence and declining in early adulthood, then climbing back up again into one's early 30s. This was particularly more noticeable in women, who showed a steeper decline in symptoms between the ages of 18-26, followed by a more rapid increase in symptoms in their early 30s. </p>How to stay social while battling depression
<img type="lazy-image" data-runner-src="https://assets.rebelmouse.io/eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJpbWFnZSI6Imh0dHBzOi8vYXNzZXRzLnJibC5tcy8yNDQ1MjA3MC9vcmlnaW4uanBnIiwiZXhwaXJlc19hdCI6MTYxNDMyNDY1N30.e1ULIJ5QYXh4H1SGUPUTJqYBCnX2XWp6InjPRr-2Bdw/img.jpg?width=1245&coordinates=0%2C22%2C0%2C22&height=700" id="832fd" class="rm-shortcode" data-rm-shortcode-id="b360bb24fb8d6025680bfffb52fd5982" data-rm-shortcode-name="rebelmouse-image" alt="depression support group illustration" />Attending support groups, planning activities with family or even just a weekly phone call to a friend can help alleviate depression.
Credit: Mascha Tace/Shutterstock
<p>Although maintaining relationships can help you cope, it can also be one of the most difficult things to do when you're experiencing depression.</p><p>As Dr. Jennifer L. Payne (an assistant professor/co-director of the Women's Mood Disorders Center at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore) <a href="https://www.everydayhealth.com/hs/major-depression/staying-socially-active-with-depression/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">tells Everyday Health</a>: "One of the common symptoms of depression is social isolation." </p><p>Payne goes on to explain that you can "soak up some energy" by simply being around other people, moving around, and staying active.</p><p><strong>Creating a daily schedule and planning activities ensures action. </strong></p><p>While it may be easy to turn down last-minute plans, it's more difficult to cancel plans you've already committed to with friends and family. While it's important not to overwhelm yourself with a packed schedule, creating a minimal daily schedule that involves seeing friends and family or doing activities that you've previously enjoyed can ensure you stay active and often makes you feel more accomplished at the end of each day. </p><p><strong>Support groups and social networking with people who understand. </strong></p><p>While depression can very easily make you feel isolated and alone, surrounding yourself with others who may be struggling with depression as well can help in multiple ways. You will have peer support from people who relate to how you're feeling plus the added benefit of being around people, which can raise your spirits. </p><p><strong>Keeping a journal (and setting goals) can help you feel accomplished. </strong></p><p>Keep a thought journal and detail certain daily or weekly goals (such as a plan to call a friend on Monday or to visit your local coffee shop for a change of scenery on Thursday). These small, achievable goals not only get you out of the house and/or interacting with others, but they also provide a sense of accomplishment and satisfaction once they are complete. </p><p><strong>Random acts of kindness, such as volunteering, will make you feel good. </strong></p><p><a href="https://bigthink.com/mind-brain/kindness-benefits-james-doty?utm_term=Autofeed&utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Twitter#Echobox=1596517476" target="_self">Being kind is good for your health</a> in many different ways. Doing something nice for others can boost your serotonin levels. Serotonin is a neurotransmitter that is responsible for feelings of satisfaction and well-being. Similar to exercise, kindness, and altruism can also release endorphins, creating a <a href="https://www.quietrev.com/6-science-backed-ways-being-kind-is-good-for-your-health/#:~:text=Kindness%20releases%20feel%2Dgood%20hormones&text=Doing%20nice%20things%20for%20others,as%20a%20%E2%80%9Chelper's%20high.%E2%80%9D" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">temporary sense of euphoria</a> that can help combat depressive symptoms. </p>
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Time alone (chosen or not) can be a chance to hit the reset button
In order to gain more from spending time alone, it is important to be open to the benefits that solitude can bring.
29 April, 2020
Photo by Anthony Tran on Unsplash
Solitude has become a topic of fascination in modern Western societies because we believe it is a lost art – often craved, yet so seldom found.
<p> It might seem as if we ought to walk away from society completely to find peaceful moments for ourselves. Yet there is a quote I really like from the <a href="https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1110069/solitude/9781847947666.html" target="_blank">book</a> <em>Solitude: In Pursuit of a Singular Life in a Crowded World</em> (2017) by the Canadian journalist Michael Harris:</p><blockquote>I don't want to run away from the world – I want to rediscover myself within it. I want to know what happens if we again take doses of solitude from inside our crowded days, along our crowded streets.</blockquote><p>Steadily, slowly, research interest in solitude has been increasing. Note, solitude – time alone – is not synonymous with loneliness, which is a subjective sense of unwanted social isolation that's known to be <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/health-warning-social-rejection-doesnt-only-hurt-it-kills" target="_blank">harmful</a> to mental and physical health. In contrast, in recent years, many <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1468-5914.00204" target="_blank">observational</a> <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10804-018-9307-z" target="_blank">studies</a> have documented a correlation between greater wellbeing and a healthy motivation for solitude – that is, seeing solitude as something enjoyable and valuable. But, by itself, this doesn't prove that seeking solitude is beneficial. In science, to make such a causal statement, we'd need to isolate 'solitude' as the only variable, while holding other alternative explanations constant. That's a difficult challenge. In daily life, we spend time alone while also doing other things, such as working, grocery shopping, commuting, taking a walk, learning a hobby or reading a book. Arguably, with so many variations in the ways that people spend time alone, it is difficult to make a definitive statement that it is solitude <em>per se</em> that enhances our wellbeing.</p><p>By conducting experimental studies – in which volunteers spent time in controlled conditions in solitude or with others – a team of researchers, led by the clinical psychologist Netta Weinstein, now at the University of Reading, and me, overcame the shortcomings of the correlational research, shedding light on what solitude is really good for.</p>
<p>In one series of <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0146167217733073" target="_blank">studies</a>, we looked at how people's emotions changed after spending time alone. We measured positive emotions associated with high arousal, such as excitement and energisation, and positive emotions that are low in arousal, such as calmness and relaxation; we also measured high-arousal negative emotions, such as anger and anxiety, and low-arousal negative emotions, such as loneliness and sadness. By covering both poles of what psychologists call 'affective valence' (positive vs negative) and 'affective arousal' (high vs low), we demonstrated that time spent alone offers a unique opportunity for 'arousal regulation' – that is, both positive and negative forms of high arousal drop lower when we spend time alone. We called this the 'deactivation effect'.</p><p>While the deactivation effect was consistent across all the solitude and alone conditions that we devised, changes in low-arousal positive and negative affects depended on how motivated a person was to spend time alone. If volunteers embraced and enjoyed solitude for its benefits, they tended to experience an increase in positive low-arousal emotions – ie, to feel more relaxed and calm afterward – but if people didn't value spending time alone, they were more likely to experience an increase in negative low-arousal emotions – ie, to feel sad and lonely.</p><p>This means that, in order to gain more from spending time alone, it is important to be open to the benefits that solitude can bring. For many people now experiencing restrictions on their movements and their social lives, it will be a lonely time; for some of us, it might be a chance to try experiencing the benefits of unexpected solitude. While it might not improve our life as a whole, it can make momentary bouts of negative emotions more bearable.</p>
<p>If we can benefit from the deactivation effect (that is, lowering our levels of arousal) simply by spending time alone, does it matter whether we go on social media, during that time, or do something else? I get asked that question often. The evidence we've gathered suggests that browsing on your phone doesn't cancel out the deactivation effect. However, it takes away a different benefit of spending that time alone without an occupying activity: the opportunity for self-reflection.</p><p>In our <a href="https://osf.io/nk7ur/" target="_blank">studies</a>, we define self-reflection as the act of attending to one's thoughts and feelings. In two experiments, we found that those who were in complete solitude, without a secondary activity, self-reflected more than those who read alone. Those who were alone, browsing on social media, were the least reflective. In fact, if you are someone who tends to be self-reflective, our research showed that time alone is most enjoyable if you allow yourself to sit in solitude rather than reading or using your phone.</p><p>Of course, this is not a new insight. It has been widely <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/do-we-all-need-a-little-time-simply-to-sit-and-think" target="_blank">suggested</a> in <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/nyc-blue-what-the-pain-of-loneliness-tells-us" target="_blank">popular</a> books and philosophical <a href="https://aeon.co/ideas/before-you-can-be-with-others-first-learn-to-be-alone" target="_blank">texts</a> that time spent alone is <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/is-becoming-a-hermit-the-ultimate-feminist-statement" target="_blank">good</a> for self-reflection. Yet, not all self-reflection during time spent alone is qualitatively the same: it can be insightful or ruminative. In our current experiments, when Weinstein and I ask participants to describe a time when they were alone and felt inauthentic or 'not true' to themselves, this is characterised by the ruminative variety of self-reflection, filled with negative thoughts and regrets from which they couldn't get away.</p><p>When self-reflection turns sour and rumination takes over, mindful <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0272735815000197?via%3Dihub" target="_blank">practices</a> might be an effective strategy for some people to calm their repetitive negative thoughts. However, this suggestion should be taken with <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/mindfulness-is-loaded-with-troubling-metaphysical-assumptions" target="_blank">caution</a> as mindfulness doesn't work for everyone and might be best practised in moderation. So, alternatively, it might not be a bad idea to break the solitude and reach out to a trusted friend, even if by a phone call or message. If you have a choice, it's never advisable to remain in solitude when it's no longer fruitful, particularly if you feel that rumination and worry are causing you distress.</p>
<p>Time alone is an opportunity for us to hit the reset button, to calm our high-arousal emotions. During the time we spend alone, we also have the option to seek complete solitude, to drop our daily activities and find a space to attend to our thoughts and emotions. Yet, if daily solitude is a lost art, as Harris suggests, how do we find the motivation to harvest it?</p><p>The answer depends on the individual but, surprisingly, not so much on whether you are an introvert or an <a href="https://aeon.co/ideas/acting-like-an-extravert-has-benefits-but-not-for-introverts" target="_blank">extravert</a>. Instead, our <a href="https://psyarxiv.com/sjcwg/" target="_blank">research</a> shows that a healthy motivation for spending time alone is linked to a personality characteristic called 'dispositional autonomy', which describes people's capacity to regulate their daily experiences at will. Essentially, this means that embracing solitude is more about having the ability to self-regulate your emotions than about how introverted you happen to be.</p><p>People with an autonomous personality feel that they have chosen to do what they're doing, instead of seeing themselves as pawns at the mercy of the external environment. Having this approach to life is also about taking interest in every bit of your experience, trying out new experiences and exploring how you feel about them. Indeed, when we created a <a href="https://search.proquest.com/docview/2113460518?pq-origsite=gscholar" target="_blank">manipulation</a> in the lab where some people were forced into experiencing solitude (thus reducing their sense of autonomy) and others were invited to take interest in it and try it out (fostering their autonomy), those who were forced into solitude saw less value in experiencing it and, in turn, derived less enjoyment from it.</p><p>It is important to note that all the volunteers tested in these studies were university students in the United States. Thus, these findings from 2017-19 tell us about the daily experiences with solitude of young adults in societies that offer easy access to many entertainment options and flexible working hours. In a culture fuelled by fast-paced lifestyles and convenient technologies, we are easily pulled by our devices and our obsession with productivity. When we are alone, we find ourselves working, and when we have a free moment, we want to catch up with what other people are doing by picking up our phones. This can be true even when people are in lockdown and unable to socialise in person. Such a mindset, in which we actively seek to avoid solitude, only increases the chance that we'll find the experience unpleasant when it arises. Conversely, by seizing the opportunity for relaxation and reflection afforded by moments (or even stretches) of solitude in our busy lives, we can reap the <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/how-loneliness-generates-empathy-and-shapes-identity" target="_blank">benefits</a>. Time when we are unexpectedly alone can be difficult but, at least for some of us, it can also be a blessing in disguise. <img src="https://metrics.aeon.co/count/d02cb58e-6ca6-4d4b-abab-7db087a000b2.gif" alt="Aeon counter – do not remove"></p><p>This article was originally published at <a href="https://aeon.co/?utm_campaign=republished-article" target="_blank">Aeon</a> and has been republished under Creative Commons. Read the <a href="https://aeon.co/ideas/time-alone-chosen-or-not-can-be-a-chance-to-hit-the-reset-button" target="_blank">original article</a>.</p>
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New insights into hikikomori — people who withdraw from society for months or years on end
What causes people to retreat into their homes indefinitely?
06 June, 2019
Hikikomori is a dark term that describes people who stay holed up in their homes, or even just their bedrooms, isolated from everyone except their family, for many months or years.
<p>The phenomenon has captured the popular imagination with many articles appearing in the mainstream media in recent years, but, surprisingly, it isn't well understood by psychologists.</p><p>The condition was first described in Japan, but cases have since been reported in countries as far apart as Oman, Indian, the US and Brazil. No one knows how many hikikomori exist (the term refers both to the condition and the people with it), but surveys suggest that 1.79 per cent of Japanese people aged 15-39 meet the criteria. However, while some assumptions about risk factors have been made, based largely on reports of specific cases, there has been a lack of population-based research. A <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00247/full?utm_source=F-AAE&utm_medium=EMLF&utm_campaign=MRK_969842_68_Psychi_20190423_arts_A" target="_blank">new study</a>, published in <em>Frontiers in Psychiatry</em>, plugs some of the knowledge gaps.</p><p>Roseline Yong and Kyoko Nomura analysed survey data from 3,287 male and female participants aged 15-39, who were randomly selected from 200 different urban and suburban municipalities all over Japan, representing a cross-section of Japanese society.</p><p>The participants answered questions about how often they left their home (and for those who didn't, how long they'd remained inside). Researchers classified as hikikomori anyone who, for at least the past six months, never or rarely left their home, unless they had a practical reason for staying in, such as being pregnant, being busy doing housework (yes, really), they were a homemaker, or they had a diagnosis of schizophrenia. The respondents also answered demographic questions and questions about their mental health.</p><p>It has been suggested that hikikomori is primarily an urban phenomenon. But that's not what Yong and Nomura found. Based on the survey data, 1.8 per cent of the respondents were hikikomori, but they were just as likely to live in a village as in a big city. The condition has also been considered more common among men, and this study provides the first epidemiological evidence to back this up. Still, 20 of the 58 hikikomori were female.</p><p>Yong and Nomura found no relationship with country region, number of family members or social class. But one local demographic variable did stand out as being protective: living in an area filled with businesses and shops.</p><p>The hikikomori in the sample were more likely to have a history of psychiatric treatment, to have dropped out of school and to have a tendency towards violence to themselves (self-harming, for instance), but not to others. However, the most significant and strongest factor was a high level of interpersonal difficulties, as measured by the degree of agreement with questionnaire items like "I am anxious about the possibility of meeting people that I know", "I am anxious about what others might think of me", and "I cannot blend into groups".</p><p>Yong and Nomura write: "These anxieties may be related to a sense of humiliation, which suggests that they are afraid of being seen in their current situation….Unlike anxieties found in social phobias or generalised social anxieties…. our finding of an association between hikikomori and interpersonal difficulties indicates that hikikomori fear people and the community that they know."</p>
<p>This does suggest a possible route to treatment: "By carefully assessing the types of fears that they may have, our data suggest the possibility that improving communication skills and managing expectations may be helpful for combating hikikomori." They note that this type of strategy has in fact already been tried, with some success.</p><p>But if these anxieties are keeping people inside their homes, what's prompting them to retreat there in the first place? The survey also revealed that hikikomori are more likely to have dropped out of high school or university. Perhaps finding ways to keep young people in education may, then, reduce the risk.</p><p>The data also showed that a very high percentage – 37.9 per cent – of the hikikomori had a previous history of psychiatric treatment. "The higher proportion of hikikomori who are dependent on medication is also alarming," the researchers add.</p><p>How all these factors may inter-relate, as causes or perhaps results of hikikomori, is far from clear. As the researchers stress, further studies are clearly needed. However, this new work does provide some good pointers to the research avenues most worth exploring.</p><p><em>—<a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00247/full?utm_source=F-AAE&utm_medium=EMLF&utm_campaign=MRK_969842_68_Psychi_20190423_arts_A" target="_blank">Hikikomori Is Most Associated With Interpersonal Relationships, Followed by Suicide Risks: A Secondary Analysis of a National Cross-Sectional Study</a>.</em><br></p><p>Reprinted with permission of <a href="https://digest.bps.org.uk/" target="_blank">The British Psychological Society</a>. Read the <a href="https://digest.bps.org.uk/2019/05/22/new-insights-into-hikikomori-people-who-withdraw-from-society-for-months-or-years-on-end/" target="_blank">original article</a>.</p>
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The culprit of increased depression among teens? Smartphones, new research suggests.
A new study, led by psychologist Jean Twenge, points to the screen as the problem.
21 March, 2019
A teenager eyes her smartphone as people enjoy a warm day on the day of silence, one day prior to the presidential elections, when candidates and political parties are not allowed to voice their political meaning on April 14, 2018 in Kotor, Montenegro. Citizens from Montenegro, the youngest NATO member, will vote for a new president on Sunday 15 2018. (Photo by Pierre Crom/Getty Images)
- In a new study, adolescents and young adults are experiencing increased rates of depression and suicide attempts.
- The data cover the years 2005–2017, tracking perfectly with the introduction of the iPhone and widespread dissemination of smartphones.
- Interestingly, the highest increase in depressive incidents was among individuals in the top income bracket.
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<p>The recent terrorist attack that killed 50 people in New Zealand mosques has been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/15/technology/facebook-youtube-christchurch-shooting.html" target="_blank">dubbed</a> "a mass shooting of, and for, the internet." Livestreamed on Facebook, the killer referenced a controversial YouTube star before he began his shooting spree. Many of the negative effects of social media are really just beginning to be known. So far, it's not looking good.</p><p>Not that social media is inherently bad — this is not a binary media. It does not necessarily cause mental health issues. What it is doing, however — especially in young people, a <a href="https://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/releases/abn-abn0000410.pdf" target="_blank">new study</a> argues — is exploiting depressive and suicidal tendencies. And it appears that this trend is especially insidious in the developing minds of teenagers and young adults. </p><p>The study, which was published in <em>Journal of Abnormal Psychology </em>on March 14, was led by psychologist Jean Twenge at San Diego State University. The author of <em>iGen</em> and <em>Generation Me</em>, Twenge has devoted her career to researching the effects of technology and social media on the adolescent brain (among others). Her <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2017/09/has-the-smartphone-destroyed-a-generation/534198/" target="_blank">2017 article</a> in <em>The Atlantic</em> speculated that teenagers and young adults are experiencing increased mood disorder problems that correlate perfectly with the release of the iPhone. </p><p>This problem is affecting every generation (or cohort) in some manner. Depression-related expenses currently cost the United States $106–$118 billion annually. A major depressive disorder will affect one in six people during their lives; 17 percent of those experiencing treatment-resistant depression attempt suicide. More contemplate it. Currently, about 45,000 Americans take their own lives every year. </p><p>For this study, Twenge and her partners hone in on data from 2005 to 2017. They wanted to know what age groups were most affected by increased instances of depression. Incidence of mood disorders, they write, "generally lessens with age." In the date range cited, depressive incidents among adolescents aged 12 to 17 increased by 52 percent (8.7 percent to 13.2 percent); between 2009-2017, they increased 63 percent among young adults aged 18-25 (8.1 percent to 13.2 percent). </p>
iGen: The Smartphone Generation | Jean Twenge | TEDxLagunaBlancaSchool
<span style="display:block;position:relative;padding-top:56.25%;" class="rm-shortcode" data-rm-shortcode-id="dbf2994707f878c7be6e8a9ce1dcec3c"><iframe type="lazy-iframe" data-runner-src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/UA8kZZS_bzc?rel=0" width="100%" height="auto" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;"></iframe></span><p>These statistics were pulled from annual surveys conducted by the U.S. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, which included data from 212,913 adolescents and 398,967 young adults. These cohorts were not the only two to experience an uptick in depression. In fact, alongside adolescents, Boomers were observed to be most affected. As the researchers write,</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"The effects were primarily due to cohort, with the Boomer cohorts of the 1950s and the iGen cohorts of the late 1990s the most likely to experience serious psychological distress, MDE in the last year, and suicide-related outcomes."</p><p>Increases were most stark among women. Though the trend affected white Americans most, increased distress was observed across racial and ethnic groups. Mood disorders were worst in individuals in the highest income bracket. Interestingly, given the timeline of the results, the researchers are confident that neither economic conditions or drug or alcohol use (rates have remained steady or are falling, depending on cohort) are to blame. </p><p>They also feel that neither self-reporting or opioid usages is behind this uptick. Willingness to admit emotional problems couldn't account for all of the observed trends; opioid addiction predominantly affected particular cohorts. </p><p>There are two trends that do appear to be causing this problem, however.</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"Another possibility is that the increased use of electronic communication and digital media during this time period may have changed modes of social interaction enough to affect mood disorders and suicide-related outcomes. For example, individuals who spend more time on social media and less time with others face-to-face report lower well-being and are more likely to be depressed."</p><img type="lazy-image" data-runner-src="https://assets.rebelmouse.io/eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJpbWFnZSI6Imh0dHBzOi8vYXNzZXRzLnJibC5tcy8xOTI5OTYyNy9vcmlnaW4ucG5nIiwiZXhwaXJlc19hdCI6MTYxNjQwODIyMn0.08_7rkhFE39C7lGQGJnox9oXEN0okrNk3nqc8uQN1Zk/img.png?width=980" id="49d66" class="rm-shortcode" data-rm-shortcode-id="f419ef221901856a7d16c1857d7df4a1" data-rm-shortcode-name="rebelmouse-image" /><p>Tied into increased screen time, which could lead to engaging in or being the victim of cyber-bullying, is sleep issues. Sleep duration is declining among all age groups, but especially adolescents and young adults during a time in life when they need it the most. Lack of sleep has been linked to mood disorders, suicidal ideation, and suicide attempts. </p><p>Though the internet is also used as a form of connectivity — say, in this case, to seek counseling for psychological problems and mood disorders — the researchers suggest further studies on how best to leverage technology for the support of individuals. </p><p>In her <em>Atlantic</em> article, Twenge points to a number of disturbing trends among teens: hanging out with friends less; dating less; having sex less; sleeping less. All of that time not doing those activities appear to be spent in front of a screen, making another finding — feeling isolated and lonely — rather obvious. </p><p>Utilizing the tech for good is one step forward. But another would be to put the phone down more often. A challenging prospect, given how tied into our lives they've become. If you've only grown up in a world viewed through a screen, learning that other worlds — namely, the real one — exist might seem impossible. Yet some distance is feeling more necessary by the day.</p><p>--</p><p><span></span><em>Stay in touch with Derek on <a href="http://www.twitter.com/derekberes" target="_blank">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/DerekBeresdotcom" target="_blank">Facebook</a>.</em></p>
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Through 'bridge symptoms' social anxiety can develop into depression, and vice versa
Researchers have changed their tune on how the disorders develop.
26 December, 2018
Photo credit: Ryan Whitlow on Unsplash
- The study examined the relationships between symptoms of major depressive disorder and social anxiety disorder.
- Traditionally, shared symptoms haven't been viewed as interacting elements that can cause someone suffering from one disorder to develop the other.
- The researchers argue that symptoms of one disorder can act as "bridges" that lead to the other. The findings suggest that treatments for depression and social anxiety can be improved by focusing on specific bridge symptoms instead of general underlying factors.
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<p>Major depressive disorder and social anxiety disorder affect millions of people worldwide, and they rank among the top three most prevalent psychiatric conditions in the U.S. The two disorders have a high rate of comorbidity, and they share some of the same symptoms: irritability, unstable mood and feelings of worthlessness. When someone develops both conditions, these effects become more debilitating.<br></p><p>Traditionally, researchers have seen these symptoms as manifestations of the underlying forces that led to either disorder, and not as interacting elements that can cause someone suffering from one disorder to develop the other.</p><p>A <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165032718305573" target="_blank">recent study</a> published in the<em> Journal of Affective Disorders</em>, from researchers at Washington University in St. Louis, provides a new theory for the relationship between depression and social anxiety — it's one that conceptualizes their symptoms in a causal network. The authors wrote that the shared symptoms of the disorders can be seen as interacting elements, or "nodes," and that some nodes can act as "bridge symptoms" that cause people already suffering from, say, depression, to develop social anxiety.</p><p>"A bridge symptom can be conceptualized as a stepping-stone in a pathway from one disorder to another; the presence of this symptom increases the likelihood that an individual will develop the secondary disorder," the researchers wrote, adding later: "For example, one such pathway might begin with a person who becomes socially fearful, then starts avoiding social situations, and then develops a depressed mood as a result of the social isolation."</p>
The seven nodes
<p>The researchers selected seven symptoms they believed might play a bridge role between depression and social anxiety:</p><ul><li>Anxiety when in an embarrassing situation with a specific person (an authority figure, a stranger, or a possible romantic figure).</li><li>Anxiety when having to speak in front of a specific other person (same categories as above).</li><li>Intensity of feelings of depression.</li><li>Inability to feel happy, as shown by not being able to laugh easily or to feel cheerful.</li><li>Feelings of worthlessness.</li><li>Irritability.</li><li>Unstable mood, such as feeling that you're "going to pieces" when you're under a great deal of stress.</li></ul><p>Then, they asked a sample 130 women between the ages of 18 and 59, many of whom suffered from one or both disorders, to complete inventories on social anxiety and depression, including one inventory based on the Big Five model of personality.</p><p>The results showed that feelings of worthlessness seemed to be the strongest bridge symptom between depression and social anxiety. In other words, someone suffering from anxiety might develop a sense of inferiority over their inability to navigate social situations, and those feelings could lead to depression. Meanwhile, they found that the so-called "hallmark symptoms" of each disorder — social fear and depression — did not appear to be connected.</p>Improved treatments
<p>The analysis didn't reveal whether one disorder plays a stronger role than the other in leading people to develop a secondary disorder. But the results do suggest that viewing social anxiety and depression in a network model, and focusing on specific shared symptoms, can lead to better treatments for people suffering from both conditions.<br></p><p>The authors wrote that "targeting a symptom that appears at the center of the network may facilitate reductions in symptoms of both disorders."</p><p><em>Study: Julia K. Langer , Natasha A. Tonge , Marilyn Piccirillo , Thomas L. Rodebaugh , Renee J. Thompson , Symptoms of Social Anxiety Disorder and Major Depressive Disorder: A Network Perspective, <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165032718305573" target="_blank">Journal of Affective Disorders</a> (2018).</em></p>
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