New Jersey’s ‘Operation Helping Hand’ offers treatment, not stigma, to arrested drug users

A new experimental program in New Jersey offered treatment, not stigma, to low-level drug offenders arrested during one week in June—and the results are encouraging.


An experimental approach to drug law enforcement that offers free treatment to arrested users has shown promising signs in New Jersey.

Operation Helping Hand was a collaborative effort among five counties during one week in June, during which a total of 177 people were arrested on low-level drug offenses. All of those arrested were offered the opportunity to speak to a recovery specialist and, depending on the level of care needed, access to a treatment facility. About 80 percent accepted some kind of treatment.

New Jersey Attorney General Gurbir Grewal said similar past experiments have shown that offering treatment options can break the cycle of addiction for a substantial number of drug users in the Garden State, which has a heroin overdose rate three times the national average.

“The results of this five-county operation reaffirm my strong belief that Operation Helping Hand is a program we need to implement throughout New Jersey and offer as a model to other states across the country,” Grewal said at a press conference at New Bridge Medical Center. “We can’t arrest our way out of the opioid epidemic, but we have learned that we can, in fact, save lives by making arrests, if we engage in this type of collaboration among law enforcement, government, and the addiction-service community.”


The operation marks a shift away from treating drug addiction solely as law enforcement issue toward one that frames it as a public health crisis, Grewal said.

“[State law enforcement is] no longer going to just sweep (addicts) up and put their pictures in the paper and shame them, that we were no longer going to add to the stigma that’s associated with this disease of addiction,” Grewar said.

Drug overdose rates have been rising in New Jersey for years. Data released by the state shows there were 623 heroin deaths in the first six months of 2017—up from 594 deaths in the first half of 2016 and 415 in the same period of 2015. Alarmingly, the number of deaths caused by fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, nearly doubled from 336 in the first six months of 2016 to 668 for the same period in 2017.


It’s still too early to see how effective this iteration of Operation Helping Hand will be at breaking addiction cycles among drug users in New Jersey. But there’s reason to expect some positive results, as evidenced by 30-year-old Matt Albanese, a recovering heroin addict who was arrested during a past operation and now works as a peer support specialist.

“A year ago, I came here in handcuffs,” Albanese said during the press conference, adding that his arrest was a blessing in disguise. “Now I work here.”

Sue Marchese-Debiak, director of the county’s Office of Addiction Services, said the operation was an encouraging development.

“It just supports what we’ve been doing in treatment for so many years, which is treating this like the chronic relapsing brain disease that it is, and not judging or incarcerating,” she said. “There’s no way that people who have this disease are going to get help if they’re sitting in jail.”

Grewal noted that those arrested are still criminally prosecuted, though the Prosecutor's Office said it’d inform judges in cases where addicts accepted help.

“I have my family back, my friends back…I’ve changed my mind,” Albanese said. “I don’t want to go back. It’s such a dark world.”

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Kosovo land swap could end conflict - or restart war

Best case: redrawing borders leads to peace, prosperity and EU membership. But there's also a worst case

Image: SRF
Strange Maps
  • The Yugoslav Wars started in 1991, but never really ended
  • Kosovo and Serbia are still enemies, and they're getting worse
  • A proposed land swap could create peace - or reignite the conflict

The death of Old Yugoslavia

Image: public domain

United Yugoslavia on a CIA map from 1990.

Wars are harder to finish than to start. Take for instance the Yugoslav Wars, which raged through most of the 1990s.

The first shot was fired at 2.30 pm on June 27th, 1991, when an officer in the Yugoslav People's Army took aim at Slovenian separatists. When the YPA retreated on July 7th, Slovenia was the first of Yugoslavia's republics to have won its independence.

After the wars

Image: Ijanderson977, CC BY-SA 3.0 / Wikimedia Commons

Map of former Yugoslavia in 2008, when Kosovo declared its independence. The geopolitical situation remains the same today.

The Ten-Day War cost less than 100 casualties. The other wars – in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo (1) – lasted much longer and were a lot bloodier. By early 1999, when NATO had forced Serbia to concede defeat in Kosovo, close to 140,000 people had been killed and four million civilians displaced.

So when was the last shot fired? Perhaps it never was: it's debatable whether the Yugoslav Wars are actually over. That's because Kosovo is a special case. Although inhabited by an overwhelming ethnic-Albanian majority, Kosovo is of extreme historical and symbolic significance for Serbians. More importantly, from a legalistic point of view: Kosovo was never a separate republic within Yugoslavia but rather a (nominally) autonomous province within Serbia.

Kosovo divides the world

Image: public domain

In red: states that have recognised the independence of Kosovo (most EU member states – with the notable exceptions of Spain, Greece, Romania and Slovakia; and the U.S., Japan, Turkey and Egypt, among many others). In blue: states that continue to recognise Serbia's sovereignty over Kosovo (most notably Russia and China, but also other major countries such as India, Brazil, Mexico, South Africa and Iran).

The government of Serbia has made its peace and established diplomatic relations with all other former Yugoslav countries, but not with Kosovo. In Serbian eyes, Kosovo's declaration of independence in 2008 was a unilateral and therefore legally invalid change of state borders. Belgrade officially still considers Kosovo a 'renegade province', and it has a lot of international support for that position (2). Not just from its historical protector Russia, but also from other states that face separatist movements (e.g. Spain and India).

Despite their current conflict, Kosovo and Serbia have the same long-term objective: membership of the European Union. Ironically, that wish could lead to Yugoslav reunification some years down the road – within the EU. Slovenia and Croatia have already joined, and all other ex-Yugoslav states would like to follow their example. Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia have already submitted an official application. The EU considers Bosnia and Kosovo 'potential candidates'.

Kosovo is the main stumbling block on Serbia's road to EU membership. Even after the end of hostilities, skirmishes continued between the ethnically Albanian majority and the ethnically Serbian minority within Kosovo, and vice versa in Serbian territories directly adjacent. Tensions are dormant at best. A renewed outbreak of armed conflict is not unthinkable.

Land for peace?

Image: BBC

Mitrovica isn't the only area majority-Serb area in Kosovo, but the others are enclaved and fear being abandoned in a land swap.

In fact, relations between Kosovo and Serbia have deteriorated spectacularly in the past few months. At the end of November, Kosovo was refused membership of Interpol, mainly on the insistence of Serbia. In retaliation, Kosovo imposed a 100% tariff on all imports from Serbia. After which Serbia's prime minister Ana Brnabic refused to exclude her country's "option" to intervene militarily in Kosovo. Upon which Kosovo's government decided to start setting up its own army – despite its prohibition to do so as one of the conditions of its continued NATO-protected independence.

The protracted death of Yugoslavia will be over only when this simmering conflict is finally resolved. The best way to do that, politicians on both sides have suggested, is for the borders reflect the ethnic makeup of the frontier between Kosovo and Serbia.

The biggest and most obvious pieces of the puzzle are the Serbian-majority district of Mitrovica in northern Kosovo, and the Albanian-majority Presevo Valley, in southwestern Serbia. That land swap was suggested previous summer by no less than Hashim Thaci and Aleksandar Vucic, presidents of Kosovo and Serbia respectively. Best-case scenario: that would eliminate the main obstacle to mutual recognition, joint EU membership and future prosperity.

If others can do it...

Image: Ruland Kolen

Belgium and the Netherlands recently adjusted out their common border to conform to the straightened Meuse River.

Sceptics - and more than a few locals - warn that there also is a worst-case scenario: the swap could rekindle animosities and restart the war. A deal along those lines would almost certainly exclude six Serbian-majority municipalities enclaved deep within Kosovo. While Serbian Mitrovica, which borders Serbia proper, is home to some 40,000 inhabitants, those enclaves represent a further 80,000 ethnic Serbs – who fear being totally abandoned in a land swap, and eventually forced out of their homes.

Western powers, which sponsored Kosovo's independence, are divided over the plan. U.S. officials back the idea, as do some within the EU. But the Germans are against – they are concerned about the plan's potential to fire up regional tensions rather than eliminate them.

Borders are the Holy Grail of modern nationhood. Countries consider their borders inviolate and unchanging. Nevertheless, land swaps are not unheard of. Quite recently, Belgium and the Netherlands exchanged territories so their joint border would again match up with the straightened course of the River Meuse (3). But those bits of land were tiny and uninhabited. And as the past has amply shown, borders pack a lot more baggage in the Balkans.

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