Rethinking the Relevance and Nature of Science Literacy
Matthew C. Nisbet, Ph.D. is Associate Professor of Communication Studies, Public Policy, and Urban Affairs at Northeastern University. Nisbet studies the role of communication and advocacy in policymaking and public affairs, focusing on debates over over climate change, energy, and sustainability. Among awards and recognition, Nisbet has been a Visiting Shorenstein Fellow on Press, Politics, and Public Policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, a Health Policy Investigator at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and a Google Science Communication Fellow. In 2011, the editors at the journal Nature recommended Nisbet's research as “essential reading for anyone with a passing interest in the climate change debate,” and the New Republic highlighted his work as a “fascinating dissection of the shortcomings of climate activism."
I spent the past three days with my colleague Ed Maibach and several graduate students conducting one-on-one interviews about climate change with participants recruited and screened from among the diversity of visitors to the National Mall in Washington, DC.
In conducting these qualitative interviews--which varied in time between 30 minutes to more than an hour--I was amazed at the forms of localized knowledge and depth of reasoning that participants from different educational backgrounds and with varying political views brought to the topic of climate change.
The experience reflected much of what has been concluded in past research about the relationship between knowledge and perceptions of science-related issues. In particular, as I summarized in a short essay for Skeptical Inquirer Online back in 2005, scholars from the fields of science communication and science studies have pointed to several different dimensions of knowledge that matter to public judgment and behavior, dimensions that go well beyond the traditional focus on quiz-like scores of textbook-style science literacy.
In subsequent studies, articles and talks, I have argued that this distinction is important. In the video interview above with Big Think, I address some of these key issues. These themes were again reinforced in my mind by what I observed conducting the climate change interviews over the past three days. I've pasted the text of the essay at Skeptical Inquirer below the fold with key references included.
[Ed Maibach and I will have much more analysis and conclusions to report from this research which is part of a grant funded project that extends over the next two years and follows on the "Six Americas of Climate Change" report that Ed released with several colleagues last week.]
The Multiple Meanings of Public Understanding:
Why Definitions Matter to the Communication of Science
April 28, 2005
Scientists, advocates, and policymakers frequently cite the "public understanding of science," but rarely ever carefully define the term, leaving me to wonder what is exactly meant when the phrase is used to diagnose social problems, characterize institutional initiatives, or describe entire organizations.
Sometimes the term is used to issue a call to arms in a political conflict. If the public only better understood the science involved, the controversy would likely go away. A scientist quoted in a recent PBS NewsHour report on Intelligent Design, characterizes the challenge to science in typical fashion: "Part of it is a failure to really understand the scientific process. Unfortunately, the United States falls far behind in terms of our scientific appreciation and scientific understanding."
Institutions frequently use the term to describe their public outreach activities. A recent Irish Times article chronicled the efforts of scientists at University College Dublin to stage a "main foray into public understanding of science" by sponsoring a contest among university researchers to successfully explain their work to an audience of the lay public. "We are trying to reach the public and get science out to a wider audience," Annette Forde, a biochemist told the Irish Times. "You have to communicate with the public and business community and let them know how their tax money is being spent on research."
Highly visible and media savvy scientists are labeled by other scientists and by journalists as champions of public understanding. Richard Dawkins, for example, holds the grand (and rather long) title of Charles Simonyi Professor of the Public Understanding of Science at Oxford University. Physicist Lawrence Krauss and the late astronomer Carl Sagan are noted for their contributions to the "public understanding of science," and have received awards for their efforts. You might hear a scientist or science enthusiast lament that we need more "science popularizers like Sagan," or that we need "more scientists dedicated to furthering public understanding," or that "more scientists need to learn how to communicate with the public."
Despite its common and ubiquitous usage in science circles, what does everyone actually mean when they use the phrase "public understanding of science?" Clearly institutions and scientists believe it is important, yet the term's exact definition remains elusive. As I will discuss in this column, public understanding of science can have varying conceptualizations, and how we define the term holds important strategic implications.
Many of the thoughts I outline in this column are not original. Scholars have produced a vast academic literature on the topic, including books, government reports, and at least two peer-reviewed journals devoted to the area (Go here and here). As references, I highlight several leading resources so that interested readers can follow up with more reading on the subject.
A British House of Lords study provides some first principles, defining the concept as "understanding of scientific matters by non-experts." According to the report, the global term "public understanding of science" has become a catch all phrase for "forms of outreach by the scientific community, or by others on their behalf (e.g. science writers, museums, event organizers), to the public at large, aimed at improving knowledge."
The same report also finds fault with the label since it conveys a "false assumption that any difficulties in the relationship between science and society are due entirely to ignorance and misunderstanding on the part of the public; and that, with enough public-understanding activity, the public can be brought to greater knowledge, whereupon all will be well."
A preferred substitute term introduced by the House of Lords is "public engagement with science and technology," which implies instead a conversation about science between scientists and the public, where both sides learn about the other's perspective. The House of Lords' preference for dialogue recognizes that the public in tandem with any technical comprehension of a scientific topic, also relies on both trust and social values in forming an opinion. Subsequent to the House of Lords report, many scientists and policymakers in Great Britain now favor this new emphasis on "public engagement."
Okay this is a start, but what kind of knowledge are we talking about and where does trust and dialogue come in? In conceptualizing knowledge, I can identify five important dimensions.
"Practical scientific literacy" refers to knowledge that can be applied to solving common everyday personal problems such as consumer and financial decisions, repairing a household appliance or automobile, or interpreting the packaging on food or other products. Although many scientists and institutions deem this dimension of knowledge important (consider how many Americans don't know how to set their VCRs, or even how a thermostat works), it is not the typical focus when they engage in public understanding activities.
"Civic science literacy" means a level of understanding of scientific terms and constructs sufficient to make sense of a news report, and/or to interpret competing arguments on a complex policy matter. The political scientist Jon Miller has measured civic science literacy in surveys by asking respondents a series of questions that tap their understanding of basic scientific facts, such as the definition of DNA or a molecule, or whether the respondent can correctly identify as either true or false that the "center of the earthy is very hot," or that "antibiotics can kill viruses as well as bacteria."
A second part of civic science literacy involves understanding how scientific investigation works, recognizing science as theory building, and science as a systematic testing of propositions. Miller measures these constructs in survey questions by asking respondents to describe in their own words "what it means to study something scientifically," and by asking respondents about their understanding of the logic of experimental design, control groups, and placebos (See Miller, 1998; Also the National Science Board 2004 for trends).
Many scientists, advocates, and policy makers conceive of civic science literacy in relation to the cultural authority of science, defined as the domain of decisions in society that should be decided by scientific input. Should policy on climate change be decided by scientific calculations of risk to the environment and human health, or by the economic considerations of industry? Should embryonic stem cell research be decided as a scientific funding matter, or as a religious and moral debate?
The popular assumption is that increasing civic science literacy boosts the cultural authority of science. In other words, if the public knew more about science, then scientists would have greater influence over important policy decisions. "To know science is to love science" is the common view. Because of its assumed political importance, most public understanding of science activities are aimed at improving civic science literacy.
"Institutional science literacy" is a third conceptualization that focuses on the politics of science. For example, who funds and regulates scientific research in the United States? How is controversial science such as cloning regulated? How does peer-review work? Does science inform policymaking? Can a citizen identify the leaders of major scientific institutions?
British researchers Patrick Sturgis and Nick Allum argue in a recent study that it is likely that when something goes wrong with science, such as a highly visible case of fraud, unethical conduct, or corruption, citizens with a better understanding of science as an institution are more likely to attribute the episode to a complex set of political and social factors, rather than to the bad character of the institution or of scientists as a group (See Sturgis & Allum, 2004). In my own current research, I am examining institutional science literacy as an important form of mobilizing information. If citizens want to participate in science-related policy decisions, they need to know who to contact, who to lobby, and where to focus their political efforts.
In an alternative conceptualization, sociologists who study science argue that citizens, apart from the idealized textbook image of how scientific research is conducted, should also understand that scientists are party to many social influences, including competition, biases, errors, and career advancement. The lay public should understand what anyone who has ever worked in science already knows: that much of science is subject to the same human influences that occur in any profession (See Collins & Pinch, 1993).
"Low information rationality" is a term I have borrowed from work in political science that questions both the ability and the motivation of the public to be knowledgeable about science. As I have discussed in past columns (see here and here), in the case of newly emerging science controversies such as those over embryonic stem cell research or Intelligent Design, it is unlikely given the many competing events in the world, that the public will hold a great deal of issue-specific knowledge.
Instead, the public makes up for a lack of information by relying heavily on relevant value predispositions such as religion and ideology. Citizens use these values as perceptual screens in sorting through the images most readily available in the media about the topic, mostly sound bites that might emphasize stem cell research "as a source for miracle cures," or Intelligent Design as an equally valid alternative to "a theory of evolution riddled with holes." On these issues, political campaign-style tactics are likely to be more effective in shaping public opinion than traditional public understanding of science activities (See Nisbet, 2005).
"A social context emphasis" is a final view of public understanding that highlights the contingent influence of social identity and trust on how information about science is used by the public. The sociologist Brian Wynne argues that the way a particular social group is likely to use scientific knowledge varies by how that group interprets the motivations of scientists and their institutions.
For example, in the case of genetically-modified food, a Green party member in Europe is likely to interpret the information provided by a Monsanto scientist very differently than if the same information were provided by a government scientist. Or in the United States, in the case of evolution, a devout Evangelical is likely to accept the claims of a religious advocate about the scientific basis of Intelligent Design while rejecting the arguments of a university biologist.
The public is far from monolithic in how it is likely to acquire and apply knowledge about science. It is important to segment the "general public" by relevant social identities and values such as religion, partisanship, education, identity, ethnicity, occupation, region, locality, and prior knowledge. This is where dialogue and interaction with the public plays a key role, as scientists and their institutions learn about the perspectives and concerns of these particular social groups, and then tailor their public understanding of science activities accordingly.
The type of science knowledge that matters depends on the issue, the situation, and the goals of the scientific institution. If the goal is to ensure long term benefits to science, including continued government funding and public support for new technologies, then it is important to invest in formal school-based programs that boost civic science literacy, but that also teach about the institutional context of science.
Outside of a few specialized science outlets, the commercial mass media are likely to contribute very little to improving civic science literacy. Market imperatives and professional norms of journalists work against quality coverage of science as a body of knowledge or as an investigative process (See Nisbet et al, 2002). Instead, the media may be much better at informing the public about the institutional and political side of science, assuming such coverage is not heavy with scandal-mongering or comprised of a fragmented focus on isolated incidents and controversial personalities.
If scientific institutions are involved in short-term political battles to win funding, pass a referendum, or oppose a school board ruling, then public understanding initiatives that play on the "low information rationality" nature of the public are probably most effective. In this instance, science can look to political campaigns as an effective model for public outreach.
In sum, there is no easy answer to "improving the public understanding of science." It is a complex matter that deserves careful consideration, and the many possible dimensions of public understanding should inform the communication efforts of scientists.
REFERENCES AND RESOURCES
Burns, T.W., O'Connor, D.J., & Stocklmayer (2003). Science Communication: A Contemporary Definition. Public Understanding of Science, 12, 183-202.
Collins, H. & Pinch, T. (1993). The Golem: What everyone should know about science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gregory, J. & Miller, S. (1998). Science in Public: Communication, Culture, and Credibility. New York: Plenum.
Hilgartner, S. (1990). The Dominant view of popularization: Conceptual problems, political Uses. Social Studies of Science, 20 (3), 519-539.
Irwin, A. (2001). Constructing the scientific citizen: science and democracy in the biosciences. Public Understanding of Science, 10, 1-18.
Miller, J.D. (1998). The measurement of civic scientific literacy. Public Understanding of Science, 7, 203-223.
Nisbet, M.C. (2005). The competition for worldviews: Values, information, and public support for stem cell research. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 17, 1, 90-112.
Nisbet, M.C., Scheufele, D.A., Shanahan, J.E., Moy, P. Brossard, D., & Lewenstein, B.V. (2002). Knowledge, reservations, or promise? A media effects model for public perceptions of science and technology. Communication Research, 29 (5), 584-608.
Sturgis, P. & Allum, N. (2004). Science in Society: Re-Evaluating the Deficit Model of Public Attitudes. Public Understanding of Science, 13, 1, 55-74.
Wynne, B. (1992). Misunderstood misunderstanding: Social identities and public uptake of science. Public Understanding of Science, 1, 281-304.
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When we first set the Dark Horse Project in motion, fulfillment was the last thing on our minds. We were hoping to uncover specific and possibly idiosyncratic study methods, learning techniques, and rehearsal regimes that dark horses used to attain excellence. Our training made us resistant to ambiguous variables that were difficult to quantify, and personal fulfillment seemed downright foggy. But our training also taught us never to ignore the evidence, no matter how much it violated our expectations.
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