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Kony 2012: A Revolution in Social Campaigns?
-- Guest post by Tina Cipara, George Mason University graduate student.
“For the first time in history, the people of the world can see each other and want to protect each other. This changes everything.”
If you haven’t heard this quote by now, you may be in the minority. Excerpted from the viral documentary, Kony 2012, this is an idea that far transcends one lone social movement. It is a testament to an increasingly technological, global environment that has reinvented the wheel for social change campaigns. It is evidence of the power of social media in creating a “Global Village” that is impactful for social justice all around the world. In short, it is proof that the world as we knew it has been changed forever.
Since its release on March 5, Kony 2012 has received a record-breaking number of views on YouTube as well as Vimeo. In just six days, the 30-minute video received over 100 million hits, which to date makes it the most viral video of all time. They currently have over 3.5 million pledges and a sold out inventory, which is confirmation that their message has been well received. This popularity and effectiveness at getting people to take action, however, has not been met by everyone with open arms.
In their investigation of the Kony 2012 phenomenon, the Pew Internet and American Life Project reported a number of differing views on the strategies used by the Kony 2012 creators, Invisible Children. One of the most prevalent criticisms is their oversimplification of the issue. As with most political human rights issues there are a number of complex and intertwined factors that are at stake. Oversimplifying and not taking all of these factors into consideration leads to a concern (for some) that deceptive framing could take place. According to a researcher at Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society, Ethan Zuckerman, these simple narratives can actually cause damage.
None of Kony 2012’s critics are denying that simple messages work. It is well documented that they do. Rather, their concern is that the simplicity of this particular narrative does not provide its audience with the tools to make a real difference. Some have even pointed to the campaign as slacktivism, which refers to individuals who support an issue or cause by participating superficially and never truly devoting themselves to making a change.
Due to its simple message and even simpler way to take action, there is no doubt that a certain level of slacktivism is a possibility and probably even a reality for the Kony 2012 campaign. Similarly, some may even suffer from single action bias whereby their single deed of purchasing the action kit is enough to satiate their desire to help. After which they promptly move on.
Are these criticisms valid? Absolutely. Should they be considered when evaluating the effectiveness of this campaign? No doubt. But let’s not throw the baby out with the bathwater.
Consider for a moment that the filmmakers at Invisible Children created a narrative that encompassed the entire northern Uganda situation. This narrative would spotlight a variety of injustices that extend far beyond Kony and the LRA. It would depict a grave and seemingly insurmountable problem of which no one individual can make a difference. In other words, it would create what Paul Slovic describes as psychic numbing.
In essence, psychic numbing refers to an individual’s tendency to withdraw from issues that are overwhelming or appear to be unsolvable. Had Invisible Children tried to tackle the entire Ugandan issue in one 30-minute documentary, it would have been nearly overpowering. Its viewers, though emotionally triggered by the devastation of the situation, would feel disempowered to do anything about it. As Slovic’s fitting quote from Mother Theresa articulates: “If I look at the mass I will never act. If I look at the one, I will.”
The complexity of the situation is without a doubt important to understanding the issue. That said, all education has to start somewhere. Perhaps the Kony 2012 narrative does not provide a holistic view of situation in northern Uganda, but what it does provide is a trigger for an individual’s knowledge gap, which can be used to stimulate additional information seeking according to Heath & Heath. It provides a simple, concrete example of the destruction of Kony’s regime all the while piquing interest in other parts of the issue. It is not meant as an education campaign, but rather an awareness campaign.
Though the campaign’s “Cover the Night” street initiative was less than successful, there’s one fact that no one can deny: Kony 2012 was a viral sensation.* It not only brought attention to the “bad guy” but also brought attention to the power individuals have in today’s society. The advent of social media has brought individuals on a global scale closer than ever before. It has provided a platform through which shared understanding is possible and information is no longer constricted by a relative few.
Kony 2012 wasn’t the first social movement to utilize social media and they certainly won’t be the last. The documentary did, however, pinpoint the importance of our changing environment and what it means for social injustice. It has also brought to light the power of younger generations and their ability to harness new media technologies for efforts toward social change. If nothing else, the filmmakers at Invisible Children showed the rest of the world that social media and its users are a force to be reckoned with.
* Why Cover the Night largely failed to happen is an important unanswered question. Readers are encouraged to reply with their analysis of why people attended to this campaign in large numbers, but for the most part choose not to participate in the recommended manner.
--Tina Cipara is a recent graduate of the MA in Communication program at George Mason University. Her research interests include strategic communication and social change campaigns, the nexus of social media and co-creational public relations, and cultural implications of technology policy.
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Richard Feynman once asked a silly question. Two MIT students just answered it.
Here's a fun experiment to try. Go to your pantry and see if you have a box of spaghetti. If you do, take out a noodle. Grab both ends of it and bend it until it breaks in half. How many pieces did it break into? If you got two large pieces and at least one small piece you're not alone.
But science loves a good challenge<p>The mystery remained unsolved until 2005, when French scientists <a href="http://www.lmm.jussieu.fr/~audoly/" target="_blank">Basile Audoly</a> and <a href="http://www.lmm.jussieu.fr/~neukirch/" target="_blank">Sebastien Neukirch </a>won an <a href="https://www.improbable.com/ig/" target="_blank">Ig Nobel Prize</a>, an award given to scientists for real work which is of a less serious nature than the discoveries that win Nobel prizes, for finally determining why this happens. <a href="http://www.lmm.jussieu.fr/spaghetti/audoly_neukirch_fragmentation.pdf" target="_blank">Their paper describing the effect is wonderfully funny to read</a>, as it takes such a banal issue so seriously. </p><p>They demonstrated that when a rod is bent past a certain point, such as when spaghetti is snapped in half by bending it at the ends, a "snapback effect" is created. This causes energy to reverberate from the initial break to other parts of the rod, often leading to a second break elsewhere.</p><p>While this settled the issue of <em>why </em>spaghetti noodles break into three or more pieces, it didn't establish if they always had to break this way. The question of if the snapback could be regulated remained unsettled.</p>
Physicists, being themselves, immediately wanted to try and break pasta into two pieces using this info<p><a href="https://roheiss.wordpress.com/fun/" target="_blank">Ronald Heisser</a> and <a href="https://math.mit.edu/directory/profile.php?pid=1787" target="_blank">Vishal Patil</a>, two graduate students currently at Cornell and MIT respectively, read about Feynman's night of noodle snapping in class and were inspired to try and find what could be done to make sure the pasta always broke in two.</p><p><a href="http://news.mit.edu/2018/mit-mathematicians-solve-age-old-spaghetti-mystery-0813" target="_blank">By placing the noodles in a special machine</a> built for the task and recording the bending with a high-powered camera, the young scientists were able to observe in extreme detail exactly what each change in their snapping method did to the pasta. After breaking more than 500 noodles, they found the solution.</p>
The apparatus the MIT researchers built specifically for the task of snapping hundreds of spaghetti sticks.
(Courtesy of the researchers)
What possible application could this have?<p>The snapback effect is not limited to uncooked pasta noodles and can be applied to rods of all sorts. The discovery of how to cleanly break them in two could be applied to future engineering projects.</p><p>Likewise, knowing how things fragment and fail is always handy to know when you're trying to build things. Carbon Nanotubes, <a href="https://bigthink.com/ideafeed/carbon-nanotube-space-elevator" target="_self">super strong cylinders often hailed as the building material of the future</a>, are also rods which can be better understood thanks to this odd experiment.</p><p>Sometimes big discoveries can be inspired by silly questions. If it hadn't been for Richard Feynman bending noodles seventy years ago, we wouldn't know what we know now about how energy is dispersed through rods and how to control their fracturing. While not all silly questions will lead to such a significant discovery, they can all help us learn.</p>
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In a recent study, researchers examined how Christian nationalism is affecting the U.S. response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
- A new study used survey data to examine the interplay between Christian nationalism and incautious behaviors during the COVID-19 pandemic.
- The researchers defined Christian nationalism as "an ideology that idealizes and advocates a fusion of American civic life with a particular type of Christian identity and culture."
- The results showed that Christian nationalism was the leading predictor that Americans engaged in incautious behavior.
A pastor at the chapel of the St. Josef Hospital on April 1, 2020 in Bochum, German
Sascha Schuermann/Getty Images<p>Christian nationalists, in general, believe the U.S. and God's will are tied together, and they want the government to embody conservative Christian values and symbols. As such, they also believe the nation's fate depends on how closely it adheres to Christianity.</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"Unsurprisingly then, in the midst of the COVID‐19 pandemic, conservative pastors prophesied God's protection over the nation, citing America's righteous support for President Trump and the prolife agenda," the researchers write.</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"Correspondingly, the link between Christian nationalism and God's influence on how COVID‐19 impacts America can be seen in proclamations about God's divine judgment for its immorality―with the logic being that God is using the pandemic to draw wayward America <em>back </em>to himself, which assumes the two belong together."</p><p>The logical conclusion to this kind of thinking: America can save itself not through cautionary measures, like mask-wearing, but through devotion to God. What's more, it stands to reason that Christian nationalists are less likely to trust the media and scientists, given that these sources are generally not concerned with promoting a conservative, religious view of the world.</p><p>(The researchers note that they're unaware of any research directly linking Christian nationalism to distrust of media sources, but that they're almost certain the two are connected.)</p>
Predicted values of Americans' frequency of incautious behaviors during the COVID‐19 pandemic across values of Christian nationalism
Perry et al.<p>In the new study, the researchers examined three waves of results from the Public and Discourse Ethics Survey. One wave of the survey was issued in May, and it asked respondents to rate how often they engaged in both incautious and precautionary behaviors.</p><p>Incautious behaviors included things like "ate inside a restaurant" and "went shopping for nonessential items," while precautionary behaviors included "washed my hands more often than typical" and "wore a mask in public."</p><p>To measure Christian nationalism, the researchers asked respondents to rate how strongly they agree with statements like "the federal government should advocate Christian values" and "the success of the United States is part of God's plan."</p><p>The results suggest that, compared to other groups, Christian nationalists are far less likely to wear masks, socially distance and take other precautionary measures amid the COVID-19 pandemic.</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"Christian nationalism was the leading predictor that Americans engaged in incautious behavior during the pandemic, and the second leading predictor that Americans avoided taking precautionary measures."</p><p>But that's not to say that religious beliefs are causing Americans to reject mask-wearing or social distancing. In fact, when the study accounted for Christian nationalist beliefs, the results showed that Americans with high levels of religiosity were likely to take precautionary measures for COVID-19.</p>
Limitations<p>Still, the researchers note that they're theorizing about the connections between Christian nationalism and COVID-19 behaviors, not documenting them directly. What's more, they suggest that certain experiences — such as having a family member that contracts COVID-19 — might change a Christian nationalist's behaviors during the pandemic.</p><p style="margin-left: 20px;">"Limitations notwithstanding, the implications of this study are important for understanding Americans' curious inability to quickly implement informed and reasonable strategies to overcome the threat of COVID‐19, an inability that has likely cost thousands of lives," they write.</p>
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